Category Archives: American Racism

Sandra Bland and the long history of racism in Waller County, Texas…


Waller County, Texas, has had a complicated racial history since the days when it was a part of Mexico. At one of its first settlements, Bernardo Plantation, about 100 slaves grew cotton on a large farm on the banks of the Brazos. Yet in the years before Texas fought Mexico for its independence, the area became a magnet for free blacks from elsewhere in the South who sought a welcoming home.

The messy, confusing double legacy of that history has persisted to the present, most recently embodied in the death of Sandra Bland in a Waller County jail cell. Bland, a 28-year-old from Chicago, was on a road trip to start a new job at her alma mater, historically black Prairie View A&M University, when she was pulled over by a state trooper for failing to signal a turn. Somehow, that apparently routine stop escalated and ended with Bland with an arm injury, under arrest for assaulting an officer. She was found dead in her cell three days later, on July 13, of what police say was suicide by asphyxiation. Her family disputes that account, saying she had no inclination to suicide and was upbeat about her new job.

We’ll need more information to understand what happened to Bland. As Radley Balko notes, jailhouse suicide is disturbingly common. Regardless of the circumstances of Bland’s death, however, a routine stop for failing to use a blinker should not end in several days of imprisonment and death. That has brought a natural focus on Waller County and the figures involved.

After Walter Scott was shot and killed by a North Charleston, South Carolina, police officer, advocates noted that traffic stops are often a pretext for searching or questioning citizens of color. Scott, who was pulled over for having a taillight out, was wanted for failing to pay child support, and it’s speculated that led him to run away. He was shot in the back as he ran. In North Charleston, police made traffic stops involving African Americans far out of proportion to their percentage of the population. That isn’t the case in Waller County. Statewide, stops and citations for black people in Texas are actually lower than their share of the overall population, and the same holds true for stops by the Waller County sheriff and police in the towns of Hempstead and Prairie View.

But this might be one of the few areas where there isn’t evidence of racially disparate outcomes in Waller County, a place with a grim history of discrimination and tension—“racism from the cradle to the grave,” as DeWayne Charleston, a former county judge, put it to The Guardian.

The history is especially painful because Waller County was for a time a beacon of black progress. During Reconstruction, an office of the Freedmen’s Bureau opened in the county seat of Hempstead, and federal troops—including, for a time, some commanded by George Custer—occupied to keep the peace. Not coincidentally, the Ku Klux Klan also set up shop. Nonetheless, Hempstead became a locus of black political activity and hosted the Republican Party’s statewide convention in 1875. In 1876, the predecessor of Prairie View A&M was established, and in the 1880 Census, the county was majority black.

But the last two decades of the century saw an influx of white immigrants from Eastern Europe, and that dilution of the black vote, along with the end of Reconstruction, reduced blacks to a minority and slashed their political power. After a 1903 law established “white primaries,” African Americans were effectively shut out of politics—such that in a county with some 8,000 black voters, only 144 Republican votes were cast in 1912, according to The Handbook of Texas. Waller County, as Leah Binkovitz notes, had among the highest numbers of lynchings in the state between 1877 and 1950, according to a comprehensive report by the Equal Justice Initiative.

This may seem like distant history, but it set something of a pattern for the county’s race relations through to the present—and as the events of the last year have made clear, a place’s history is often an effective predictor of how it treats its black residents, from St. Louis County to Cuyahoga County. In fact, the disenfranchisement of black voters in Waller County has continued to be a source of contention.

In 2004, students at Prairie View A&M fought and won a battle over their right to vote in the country. District Attorney Oliver Kitzman claimed the students were ineligible to vote in Waller County and could only cast ballots in their home counties, despite clear Supreme Court precedent showing they were allowed to register. Kitzman threatened to prosecute any student who voted. It wasn’t his first clash with black residents, who accused the district attorney of deploying a range of intimidation tactics. Kitzman denied any racism, and told the Los Angeles Times that any racial issues in the county could be solved “ if we took several of the players and sent them to Los Angeles.”

The students, with the support of conservative Republican state Attorney General Greg Abbott, triumphed in the battle. Kitzman resigned his post, a moment local black leaders compared to the Emancipation Proclamation. But four years later, PVAMU students again found themselves fighting for their fight to vote. A judge ruled against Waller County , and demanded that county officials justify every rejected voter registration to the U.S. Department of Justice for four years. The county has seen a variety of other accusations of voting irregularities in recent years.

In the early 2000s, Hempstead was embroiled in a dispute over cemeteries in town, which had historically been divided between white and black. Black residents complained that the city had devoted much lesser resources to black burial grounds. In the midst of litigation, the white mayor of Hempstead offended the city’s African American residents by refusing to attend a parade to mark Juneteenth, the day of emancipation of slaves in Texas. The lawsuit was ultimately settled, with Hempstead agreeing to spend more on upkeep of the black cemeteries.

The interment question wasn’t entirely settled: In 2007, DeWayne Charleston, the judge, ordered a black funeral home to bury the body of an unknown white woman found dead in the county. (Charleston was later removed from the bench for accepting bribes.) Officials balked, as the Associated Press reported:

When activists started raising questions about the county’s hesitation at burying the woman in a black cemetery, the commissioners asked a white-owned funeral home to handle arrangements—adhering to what community activists say is a long-standing tradition of cemetery segregation in the county .… Had the unidentified woman been buried in a black cemetery, she would have been the first known white person buried in a black cemetery in the county.

In 2007, the chief of police in Hempstead, Glenn Smith, was accused of racism and police brutality during an arrest. Council members opted to suspend Smith for two weeks, a sanction that disappointed civil-rights leaders in town. The following year, amid more allegations of police misconduct, Smith was fired. He promptly ran for county sheriff and won, and is now charged with investigating Bland’s death in the jail he oversees. At a news conference about Bland’s death, Smith vowed , “Black lives matter to Glenn Smith.”

It may not come as a surprise if Waller County’s African American residents don’t buy that. And they may not feel any better about the prosecutor who would handle any case. Elton Mathis, who holds Kitzman’s old job, has also been accused of pursuing racially disparate prosecutions. Last June, a black clergyman alleged that Mathis has threatened him over such accusations.

Almost as soon as Bland died, her family and many black Americans assumed the worst. They were skeptical of official explanations and pessimistic about the odds of a thorough and fair investigation. A popular hashtag, #IfIDieInCustody, became a forum to express that skepticism and the fear of being disappeared into a jail—or, like Freddie Gray, a police wagon—and emerging dead or near death, with no explanation and little evidence to explain what happened beyond the official account. To those Americans more accustomed to trusting the judicial system to deliver fair outcomes, this outpouring may come across as baffling at best—and as a hasty, unwise leap to conclusions at worst, short-circuiting the due process of the justice system. But the local history explains those deep wells of skepticism. Waller County has given African Americans more than a century’s worth of evidence that it is not in the habit of protecting their interests.


(Donald) Trump’s fixation on rape and color…


It’s easy to laugh off Donald Trump’s fact-free comments about Mexican immigrants being rapists. And easy to poke fun, as Jon Stewart did, at Trump’s grudging admission that some Mexican immigrants might be “good people.”

But there is a serious issue here, and mainstream media interviewers have neglected to ask Trump about it – and that’s Trump’s history of pointing the finger of rape at innocent men of color. I’m talking about his high-profile effort years ago that fanned racial tensions after perhaps the most notorious rape in New York City’s history.

In 1989, a white, female investment banker was viciously raped and nearly murdered while jogging in Central Park. Police quickly pinned the crime on five Black and Latino youths, aged 14 to 16, after extracting rape confessions (soon to be retracted). Mainstream media piled on behind the police – abandoning usual hedge words of “accused” or “alleged” – by referring to the accused rapists as a “wolf pack” and “park marauders.”

A racially-charged lynch mob had formed, and real estate mogul Donald Trump used his money to try to lead the mob. A dozen days after the attack, as the 100-pound rape survivor emerged from a coma, Donald Trump bought a full-page ad in all four New York dailies with the banner headline: “BRING BACK THE DEATH PENALTY. BRING BACK OUR POLICE!”

Trump’s ad spoke of “roving bands of wild criminals” who “roam our neighborhoods”; it decried a “permissive atmosphere which allows criminals of every age to beat and rape a helpless woman and then laugh . . .”

The ad blamed civil liberties concerns for permissiveness and, ultimately, the Central Park rape: “Criminals must be told that their CIVIL LIBERTIES END WHEN AN ATTACK ON OUR SAFETY BEGINS” [capitalization in the original]. Trump called for killers to be “executed for their crimes.”

We know now – after the five convicted Harlem youths had collectively served more than 40 years in prison for the crime – that they had not raped anyone. Sarah and Ken Burns’ documentary, “The Central Park Five,” shows that the wrongful imprisonment resulted partly from police/prosecutorial misconduct and an abridging of the youths’ civil liberties.

Needless to say, if the youths whose alleged crime sparked Trump’s ad had been put to death, we would have had five more men of color innocently executed in our country. Thirteen years after the Central Park rape and Donald Trump’s full-page ad, it became clear – thanks to a jailhouse confession confirmed by DNA testing – that the culprit, acting alone, had been a convicted serial rapist.

A question journalists might pose to candidate Trump today, especially when he’s discussing the issue of rape: “Mr. Trump, are you a serial racist?”

Raymond Santana, who was 14 at the time of the Central Park rape and wrongfully served seven years in prison for it, is unlikely to get the apology he seeks from Trump for helping to fuel the frenzy: “It says a lot about [Trump’s] character,” said Santana. “If he can give the death penalty to 14-year-old, 15-year-old kids, then there’s nothing he would not do. Those are characteristics of a tyrant, not characteristics of a president.”

Confronting Southern “victimhood”…


Unlike the Germans after World War II who collectively shouldered blame for the Holocaust and the war’s devastation, America’s white Southerners never confessed to the evil that they had committed by enslaving African-Americans and then pushing the United States into a bloody Civil War in their defense of human bondage.

Instead of a frank admission of guilt, there have been endless excuses and obfuscations. Confederate apologists insist that slavery wasn’t really all that bad for blacks, that the North’s hands weren’t clean either, that the Civil War was really just about differing interpretations of the Constitution, that white Southerners were the real victims here – from Sherman’s March to the Sea to Reconstruction. Some white Southerners still prefer to call the conflict “the war of Northern aggression.”

Indeed, Southern white “victimhood” has been at the heart of much bloodshed and suffering in the United States not only during the Civil War and the ensuing decades but through the modern era of the civil rights struggles of the 1950s and 1960s to the present bigoted hatred of the first African-American president and the coldblooded murders of nine black churchgoers in Charleston, South Carolina.

Dylann Roof, the alleged perpetrator of the Charleston murders, apparently was motivated by racist propaganda that highlighted incidents of black-on-white crime and led Roof to believe that he was defending the white race, under siege from blacks, another excuse used to justify the Confederate cause.

Yet, the overriding reality has been centuries of white racist violence against blacks – from the unspeakable cruelties of slavery to Jim Crow lynchings to the murders of Martin Luther King Jr. and other civil rights leaders to recent police shootings targeting blacks.

Considering that grim history, what is perhaps most remarkable about white Southerners is that they as a group have never issued an unequivocal apology for their systematic abuse of African-Americans, let alone undertaken a serious commitment to make amends. Instead, many white Southerners pretend that they are the real victims here.

We see this pattern again with the white backlash against public calls from South Carolina Gov. Nikki Haley and others to retire the Confederate battle flag and other pro-slavery symbols. This weekend, news reports revealed a rush among white Southerners to buy the flag and clothing items featuring the flag. And across the Internet, Confederate apologists rushed to reprise all the sophistry that has surrounded the pro-slavery cause for generations.

In Arlington, Virginia, I encountered some of that when I again urged the County Board to petition the state legislature in Richmond to remove the name of Confederate President Jefferson Davis from roadways that pass Arlington National Cemetery (founded to bury Union soldiers killed in the Civil War) and that skirt historic black neighborhoods in South Arlington (conveying a racist message of who’s still the boss).

Jefferson Davis’s name was put on the stretch of Route One in the early 1920s amid a surge of Confederate pride, a period of increased lynchings of blacks, a growth in Ku Klux Klan membership, and release of the movie, “Birth of a Nation,” celebrating the KKK as the brave defender of innocent whites endangered by rampaging blacks. In 1964, as a counterpoint to the Civil Rights Act, Virginia extended Jefferson Davis Highway to a roadway near Arlington Cemetery and the Pentagon.

‘Rankled’ and ‘Crazy’

A year ago when I first suggested removing Jefferson Davis’s name, the local newspaper treated my appeal as something of a joke, referring to me as “rankled” and prompting angry responses from some Arlingtonians. One hostile letter writer declared, “I am very proud of my Commonwealth’s history, but not of the current times, as I’m sure many others are.”

A top Democratic county official confronted me after a public meeting and upbraided me for raising such a divisive issue when there were more practical and immediate issues facing the county. The official said the state legislature would think Arlington County was “crazy” if it submitted a recommendation on removing Davis’s name.

However, after the Charleston massacre, I wrote to the board again: “When even South Carolina’s Republicans say it’s time to retire old symbols of the Confederacy — especially ones associated with slavery, white supremacy and violence — isn’t it time for Arlington County to petition the state legislature to rename Jefferson Davis Highway something more appropriate to our racial diversity?

“As we’ve seen tragically in recent days, symbols carry meaning. They encourage behavior, either good or bad. And, in the case of Confederate symbols, it is clear how individuals like Dylann Roof interpreted them, as a license to murder innocent black people. As for Confederate President Davis, not only was he a white supremacist who wished to perpetuate slavery forever, but he also authorized the murder of captured or surrendering black soldiers of the Union Army, an order that was acted upon in some of the final battles of the Civil War.

“There’s even an Arlington connection to some of those U.S. Colored Troops murdered based on Davis’s order. Some were trained at our own Camp Casey before marching south to fight for freedom. Some Camp Casey recruits fought in the Battle of the Crater in a desperate effort to save white Union troops who were being slaughtered in battle. However, after the fighting stopped, Confederate troops — operating under President Davis’s order — executed captured USCT soldiers.” [See’s “The Mystery of the Civil War’s Camp Casey.”]

My letter continued: “As a longtime resident of Arlington, I have often wondered what we think we are honoring when we name a major highway after Jefferson Davis. Are we saying that we think slavery was a good idea? Are we saying that we believe in white supremacy? Are we saying that we favor murdering black people simply because of the color of their skin? What message are we sending to our children — and indeed perhaps to some troubled young people like Dylann Roof?

“Please, finally, petition the legislature to remove Davis’s name from these Arlington roadways — and keep at it even if it requires multiple efforts. It is way past time to do so.”

I have received no reply from the County Board. My guess is there will be the same timidity about riling up the Confederate defenders who will draw fury from their bottomless well of victimhood. When my letter circulated on some local message boards, it did prompt a number of hostile responses (as well as some supportive comments).

But history should tell us that a grave injustice that is not confronted – that is allowed to lie dormant while its perpetrators nurse their imaginary grievances – will resurface in a myriad of ugly and destructive ways. It is best, albeit difficult, to take on the injustice and demand accountability.

Modern-day ‘Tuskegee-style medical experiment’ happening once again?


In an emergency town hall meeting in Los Angeles recently Minister Tony Muhammad mobilized a united front against awareness and action in his community. Standing beside Robert F Kennedy Jr. and Dr Brian Hooker, the trio delivered irrefutable evidence that there is a modern-day Tuskegee medical experiment happening once again in the African-American community. Unlike the Tuskegee syphilis experiments that spanned from 1932-1972 consisting of a small cross section of adults, this new state-sponsored experimentation is being imposed on an entire population of children.

“We are taught in the Nation of Islam that we will fight and die on truth. And all we wish to do is to share data with them [black politicians] that there’s a possibility that vaccines is injuring black boys at rates nearly five times worse than their white counterparts. Put on the brakes and lets look at this first.” –Minister Tony Muhammad

The Science: Greater Risk & Higher Incidences

Published in 2010 in the journal “PLoS One” Durkin and coauthors looked at autism incidences in both caucasian and African-American communities nationwide. Their findings showed that within the African-American community, autism incidences were 25 percent higher than in the Caucasian community.

Published in 2014 in the Journal of Pediatrics, Becerra and coauthors showed that in Los Angeles County alone, the incidence of autism among African-Americans was higher than that of Caucasians. The effect was most profound in foreign-born black individuals living in the United States with a 76 percent greater risk of autism compared to U.S. born whites. The same effect was seen to a lesser degree, however still significantly, in U.S. born blacks. When considering the most serve forms of autism, meaning children diagnosed with autism and mental retardation, this study showed that among foreign-born blacks autism incidence was 163 percent greater than in U.S. born whites. In U.S. born blacks, it was at least 52 percent greater than foreign born whites. This pronounced effect was not seen in any other race category.

A study published in 2010 in the Journal of Toxicology and Environmental Health Part A showed that African-Americans were at a significantly greater risk of regressing into autism after receiving the thimersol-containing hepatitis B vaccine series as infants. The study’s data shows a 5.53 times greater risk of autism for African-American boys that received the thimerosal-containing vaccine hepatitis B series verses those African-American boys that did not receive any hepatitis B shots. Caucasians did not show a statistically significant effect.

According to Dr. Brian Hooker speaking at a town hall emergency meeting in Los Angeles:

“Background information released by the Centers For Disease Control (CDC) whistleblower Dr. William Thompson showed that the CDC found a higher risk of autism in black children who received the Measles Mumps Rubella (MMR) vaccine on time verses those who received the vaccine only after three years of age. Unpublished data released by Dr. Thompson show that black boys were up to 3.36 times greater risk of receiving an autistic diagnosis when they received their first MMR vaccine prior to 36 months of age versus those black boys who received their first MMR at or after 36 months of age. And this effect was not observed in any other race category considered.”

This information was discovered by Dr. Thompson 11 years ago and is contained within his initial press release from August 27th, 2014 titled “Statement of William W. Thompson, Ph.D., Regarding the 2004 Article Examining the Possibility of a Relationship Between MMR Vaccine and Autism.” In this whistleblowing press release, Dr. Thompson states:

“I regret that my coauthors and I omitted statistically significant information in our 2004 article published in the journal Pediatrics. The omitted data suggested that African American males who received the MMR vaccine before age 36 months were at increased risk for autism. Decisions were made regarding which findings to report after the data were collected, and I believe that the final study protocol was not followed.”

Dr. Thompson further states in his press release:

“My concern has been the decision to omit relevant findings in a particular study for a particular sub​ group for a particular vaccine. There have always been recognized risks for vaccination and I believe it is the responsibility of the CDC to properly convey the risks associated with receipt of those vaccines.”

At the time of this writing, Californians wait patiently as the future of their education, informed medical consent and parental rights rest on the political chopping block. However, through it all, what remains clear is that the human spirit and the love of community is infinitely greater than the stroke of a governor’s pen, the financial gains of industry and agendas devoid of humanity.

“The head of a white supremacist group, cited by the suspected gunman who killed nine people at a black South Carolina church last week, has given thousands of dollars to several 2016 Republican presidential candidates”…


The head of a white supremacist group, cited by the suspected gunman who killed nine people at a black South Carolina church last week, has given thousands of dollars to several 2016 Republican presidential candidates, according to media reports.

Earl Holt III of Texas, leader of the Council of Conservative Citizens, has donated a total of $65,000 to Texas Senator Ted Cruz, former Pennsylvania Senator Rick Santorum and Kentucky Senator Rand Paul, among other politicians in recent years, the Guardian reported late on Sunday.

The New York Times also reported the donations on Monday.

According to the Guardian, Holt also donated to campaigns for other Republican lawmakers, including U.S. Representative Steve King of Iowa, Senator Tom Cotton of Arkansas and Senator Jeff Flake of Arizona. He has donated to former Minnesota congresswoman and presidential candidate Michele Bachmann of Minnesota, it said.

Representatives for Cruz told the papers that his campaign would immediately return the $8,500 given by Holt.

Representatives for Paul did not respond to the newspapers’ request for comment, while a Santorum spokesman told the Guardian the candidate does not condone racism but did not address the donated funds.

According to the media reports, records show Holt, 62, lists himself as president of the group, which the suspect in the South Carolina shooting, 21-year-old Dylann Roof, who is white, reportedly cites in a racist manifesto he appears to have written and that surfaced over the weekend.

Reuters could not immediately confirm who created the website with the manifesto or the authenticity of the photographs posted on it. The FBI has said it is investigating the website.

In a statement on Sunday, Holt said he was not surprised that his group helped inform Roof but that it was “hardly responsible for the actions of this deranged individual,” according to the newspapers. The group, on its website, has said it was saddened by the South Carolina shootings.

The Missouri-based Council of Conservative Citizens advocates “whites rights” and believes “the United States is a European country and that Americans are part of the European people.” It opposes integration and so-called race-mixing and calls for the halt of immigration, according to its website.

The organization has been cited by the Southern Poverty Law Center as an extremist group that has called blacks “a retrograde species of humanity.”

Judge in S. Carolina church shooting massacre was once reprimanded for using racial slur…


The judge in the South Carolina church massacre case was reprimanded for using the N-word in court in 2003, according to a judicial disciplinary order posted on the South Carolina Supreme Court’s website.

Charleston County Magistrate James B. Gosnell Jr. also showed favoritism toward another judge, the justices ruled.

In November 2003, Gosnell was talking to a black defendant, whom he knew. Gosnell said he repeated to the defendant a phrase that he had heard spoken by a black sheriff’s deputy.

“There are four kinds of people in this world — black people, white people, red necks, and n——,” Gosnell said at the time. He told the office of disciplinary counsel at the state Supreme Court that he made the “ill-considered” statement to try to get the young man to change his life.

The use of the racial slur, first reported in the Daily Beast, came at a bail reduction hearing.

The other charge stemmed from a case in which another judge was arrested on suspicion of driving under the influence. The law required people to stay in jail overnight, but Gosnell drove down to the jail to set a bond for the judge.

Gosnell told officials at the detention center to “make it appear that Judge (Joseph) Mendelsohn’s bond was set at 8:00 a.m.” even though Mendelsohn was set free at 2:30 a.m.

Such bond arrangements had been banned by the state Supreme Court unless a judge sets bail for everyone who had been detained.

The Supreme Court in October 2005 said the favoritism in the judge’s case, combined with the racial slur, merited a public reprimand.

Gosnell, now the county’s chief magistrate, drew the ire of many people watching Friday’s initial court appearance for mass murder suspect Dylann Roof when he talked about the nine dead victims in the shooting, then added that “we also have victims on the other side.”

The Roof family didn’t ask to become part of this tragedy, and they will need help too, Gosnell said.

The next scheduled court date for the Roof case is October 23.

South Carolina ground zero for the neo-Confederates…


Dylann Storm Roof’s massacre of nine African-American congregants of Emanuel AME Church in Charleston, South Carolina, including its pastor, Democratic state senator Clementa Pinckney, is not an aberration for a state like South Carolina. Even as South Carolina GOP Governor Nikki Haley shed what can only be termed “crocodile tears” over the terrorist attack on the historical African-American church where Dr. Martin Luther King once preached, the State House’s Confederate flag flew at full staff after the U.S. and South Carolina flags were lowered to half-staff in honor of the victims of the massacre. Roof, who sported a novelty license plate with Confederate flags on his car and flags of apartheid South Africa and Rhodesia on his jacket, found himself at home in a state where neo-Confederate racist groups like the Sons of Confederate Veterans (SCV) and the League of the South find no shortage of members.

Not far from the Confederate flag flying at the State House in Columbia is a statue of 1948 Dixiecrat presidential candidate and long-time segregationist U.S. Senator Strom Thurmond. South Carolinians also form the core of the neo-Confederate cause in Washington, DC. When President Barack Obama addressed a joint session of Congress on September 9, 2009, it was Representative Joe Wilson (R-SC), a member of the SCV, who shouted “You lie!” twice from the floor of the House of Representatives. Wilson is but one of many unreconstructed confederates who hail from South Carolina and carry out the cause of the Confederacy and all of its modern-day gimmickry, including support for the small arms manufacturing lobby, in the nation’s capital.

One of the chief support mechanisms for the neo-Confederates is the SCV, which just lost a case at the U.S. Supreme Court that sought to overturn a ban by the state of Texas against Texas license plates bearing the SCV logo and the Confederate flag.

On August 17, 206, WMR exposed the links of the SCV to the Washington power structure: “The most recent filing from 2006 also lists some other interesting players in SCV 305 [Sons of Confederate Veterans Jefferson Davis Camp #305]. They include Thomas Moore, a director. Moore, a graduate of The Citadel in South Carolina and a native South Carolinian, is listed as a consultant for American Business Development Group (A-BDG), a defense lobbying group, and the Washington agent for the Belgian company Fabrique Nationale Herstal (FN), described in his A-BDG resume as ‘the world’s leading manufacturer of military small arms.’ Moore previously served as the director for defense studies at the right-wing Heritage Foundation [South Carolina’s Republican Senator Jim DeMint resigned in 2012 to become the president of the Heritage Foundation] and, from 1992 to 1995, worked as a staffer on the Senate Armed Services Committee where his portfolio mainly included issues dealing with the anti-ballistic missile defense system, the pet project of Donald Rumsfeld who headed the commission that urged a return to Star Wars defense systems. In fact, from 1988 to 1992, Moore served in the Reagan Defense Department where he acted as the Strategic Defense Initiative liaison to the Congress. FN Manufacturing’s U.S. headquarters is located in Columbia, South Carolina.”

The SCV also reportedly has on its organizational rolls a secretive camp named for John Wilkes Booth, the assassin of President Abraham Lincoln, at which select members of the camp meet during state and national conventions of the SCV.

Our August 17, 2006 report on violent extremists within the SCV continued: “An examination of SCV 305’s articles of incorporation, filed on July 21, 1993 with the District of Columbia, reveals among its original seven directors were, in addition to [Voice of America’s Charles] Goolsby, was Lewis Doherty, listed with the ‘Western Heritage Fund’ located at 107 S. West Street, Suite 180, Alexandria, Virginia. Doherty is also listed, with Goolsby, as one of the three incorporators. Doherty is now a key player with the neo-Nazi National Alliance, headquartered in Hillsboro, West Virginia. It is ironic that Goolsby, who tracks terrorists for the VOA, consorts with the likes of Doherty who represents a violent and terroristic neo-Nazi organization that served as a magnet for Oklahoma City Murrah Federal Building bomber Timothy McVeigh.”

Dylann Storm Roof may have been the sole perpetrator of the terrorist attack on the Wednesady night prayer meeting at “Mother Emanuel” Church in Charleston, but from Governor Haley and down through the South Carolina congressional delegation, state legislature, and neo-Confederate groups thriving in the state, he had plenty of psychological aiders and abettors. They also bear a high degree of guilt for the mass murder in Charleston as they stand before the court of public opinion.